Article about Vietnamese women, second draft, page 1

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363-01983 to 363-02002.pdf

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Article about Vietnamese women, second draft, page 1

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Article by Keever for the New York Times about Vietnamese women. Second draft, page 1

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Draft transcripts were automatically generated via Google Document AI and are currently under review. Please report significant errors to Archives & Special Collections at archives@unl.edu.

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Beverly Ann Deepe
64A Hong Thap Tu
Sigon, Vietnam
November 10, 1966
Women-bage 1
SAIGON, VIETNAM
The 44-year-old wife of a low-ranking Vietnamese government official
recently visited the damp, cluttered office of a woman lawyer, explaining
she had been married for more than two decades. "But, now it is just too
much," she exclaimed. "In the past six years,
my husband has not spoken
a word to me--not a mortal word. I want a divorce." The compassionate
woman lawyer sd succeeded, however, in forging a reconciliation;
she urged the distraught woman to have her hair bobbed, instead of wearing
the old oned old-fashioned bun, to replace her missing front teetH
and to erect a small partition between her bedroom and the sleeping rooms
of her in-laws to produce some intimate privacy for her husband.
formula was magical: for the first time ever, the recalcitrant husband
put his wife on the back of the family scooter, visited the ne
lawyer's office to thank her and to present her a gift of aromic fish sauce.
(More)
The
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Deepe
Women--page 2
Even the contemplation of a divorce suit epitomizes a miniscule facet
of the galloping evolution of Vietnamese womanhood in a country in which
only three years ago divorce was illegal except under special dispensation of
Roman Catholic President Ngo Dinh Diem and his spitfire sister-in-law,
Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu The prospective divorce case illustrated the slow-motion
equalization in the husband-wife relationship. In the setpiece battles of
the sexes,
husband-wife entanglements commonly end up with barriages of
dia bay "flying saucers," as vases, soup bowls or bamboo chairs are
hurled into orbit.
In other cases,
One
the wife's sphere of influence already dominates that
of her husband in the home. One American advisor was flabbergasted that his
counterpart, a Vietnamese province chief, consistently had to ask his wife
for twenty piastres (about twenty cents) in order to get a haircut.
Vietnamese high-society wife gloated, "Maybe the Vietnamese generals
run the country, but their wives run them." Even Prime Minister Nguyen
Cao Ky and his lovely 25-year-old wife are known to engage in verbal battles
bitter enough to cause a flurry of official cables at the American Embassy.
If such marital battles are viewed as commonplace within the context
in the non-Communi st
of full-fledged egalisation of the Western woman,
Vietnam, they are part of the smouldering evolution of the emancipation
of the female, whose traditional heritage was Confucianistic since the
first Chinese conquest of Vietnam in 111 B. C.
code of ethics, the tormenting plight of the Vietnamese woman was epitomized
Within the Confucianistic
in the proverb Thap Nu Viet Vo--"one son is a son, but ten daughters are
nothing."
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 3
her husband died.
The moral indoctrination of every Wietnamese woman was to obey without
question first her father, then her husband, and then her eldest son when
Often, she would be ordered to kneel in front of her
husband as he beat her with a rattan stick or feather duster. Child
marriages--even at 10 years of age-were the norm; her father could sell
her as a concubine, or hire her out as a servant. "My own father
was 11 and my mother 10 when they were married," a 43-year-old Saigon
scholar explained recently. "But my father really loved my mother. He
never took a concubine or second wife as his fortunteller advised.
considered a revolutionary at the turn of the century because he cut off his
long hair, which Vietnamese men then wore in a bun." This Confucianistic
structure-which later became fossilized-prevailed for two millennia;
almost a century
French rule for
He was
did little to change these practices in
the countryside, although the French veneered the social-economic urban
elite with Westernization. Even under the French, the traditional view
that the wife should stay home and take care of the offspring and the rice
planting prevailed in the countryside; in the cities only a few women were
employed, and then either in nursing, teaching or clerical work.
By all accounts, the American build-up of combat troops, which
dramatically insened impacted here in mid-1965, accelerated the emancipation
of women far beyond the wildest expectations of the Vietnamese, leaving
them "dizzy and disoriented,," as one husband explained.
The weight of the
American war machine--and equally important, the accompanying "green tide
of American dollars"--produced a series of exploding cross-currents unparalleled
in the preceeding two thousand years the results of which are still unknown
and the end of which is still not in sight.
(More)
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Deepe
Women--page 4
First, the vicious acceleration of the bloody fighting in the
countryside in the past 15 months brought a flood of rural families to the
(most of them were women and childrens
a total of 900,000 were listed as war refugees,
adventures of urban life;
but untold thousands more came, as wide-eyed immigrants in their own country,
to live with relatives in the cities.
railroad station," one
("Vietnam has become a giant-sized
American observed.)
Second, America's deadliest
enemy in the cities-inflation-which eroded any genuine increase in living
standards, forced more women to become rice-winners. Third, American
troops and money brought both the demand and ahhahmon monetary magnet
for hundreds of thousands of housemaids, cooks, construction workers and
which sommersaulted overnight Vietnam's chronic unemployment
entertainers,
into one of labor shortage. Woman-power became an immediate substitute
for manpower,
which had been bled white on the battlefield.
Vietnamese
women began to assume more and more responsibilities for the family both
inside and outside the home as Vietnamese family life continued its
rapid disintegration.
The Vietnamese family-including uncles, cousins,
structure;
and in-laws of two or three generations--often number more than one hundred.
The strong ties among family members was the heart of the old Confucianistic
the individual had first to fulfill the obligations to the family
group and then to the wider community of the village; today, this pattern
("Ford better or worse, Vietnam will never be
is being blown to the winds.
the same,"
one long-time resident explained as he watched the American
build-up.
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 5
Or, as a young Vietnamese banker explained, "Now, only the Vietnamese
women know what they want and how they are going to get it. You foreigners
think they are China dolls with hummingbird voices.
They are in public,
but in private, they are beserk panthers devouring their husband-victims
what
unless they get wet, they were want."
The American build-up of combat forces hurled into orbit a new feminine
creation, which the Vietnamese call Phu-Nu The He Moi-"girl of the new
generation" or Phu-Nu Doi Song Moi--"girl of the new life."
"There's been a big evolution for Vietnamese women," one female
"There's much more schooling for the girls;
French sociologist explained.
ten years ago, only the girls from rich families could study;
now every
girl can have 12 years of schooling. Ten years ago, the Vietnamese wife
rarely appeared with her husband outside the home; now she can go to
public recptions and cocktail parties with him. "
Two decades ago, a well-bred girl was forbidden to ride a bicycle;
it would spoil her elegant head-high posture. At the end of the French
Indo-China War 12 years ago, only one aristocratic woman dared drive a
car through the streets of Saigon-she drove a crimson Cadillac. Today,
middle-class women more often than not drive her own family car;
upper-class
bar girls openly solicit trade on the mainstreets in the newest of American
Vietnamese secretaries regularly own or drive their own
sports cars;
motorbikes.
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 6
In the urban centers, even the relationship between the modern girl
and her parents on the most fundamental question-her marriage--has evolved
into a spin. Traditionally, the marriage of Vietnamese grandmothers was
they
arranged by her parents and she could not refuse; a the marriage of
they
Vietnamese
ewives in their thirties was also arranged, but are could
OnE
APPEARE
refuse a number of selections until shefe suitable for herff. This
marital arrangement was made in a ritualistic ceremony in which the future bride
and bridegroom sized up each other over a cup of tea. Today, however, the
"new life" girl is free to choose her own husband; pre-marital relations
but not frequently. Leading from Saigon to the northwestern provinces,
the ur four-lane, fluorescent-lighted Bien Hoa Highway is one of the
most popular lover lanes for the Saigon's teenage motor-scooter set.
often seen necking in the roadside coconut groves-or watching a portable
television set while sitting on a rice paddy dike.
occur,
They are
In traditional times, the more the children, the bigger the family f
joy. Today, Vietnamese wives are expressing more and more interest in various
birth control methods. Even for the upper-class, "the pill" is still too
expensive and has to be especially obtained from Hong Kong; American males
have introduced it to their girl friends.
Other contraceptives are sold at
the American military exchange and at the street-stall cigarette counters.
are widely used by bar-girls and by some of the Westernized elite; abortions
In the hamlets and
are expensive, but common, though technically illegal.
They
villages, birth control is rarely used--and then the age-old method of
separate beds. The Communist Viet Cong are opposed to birth control, arguing
they need more human resources.
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Deepe
Women-page 7
Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu, during the Presidency of her brother-in-law
from 1955 to 1963, did much to raise both the political and social status
of Vietnamese women; pologamy was legally abolished, but violations were not
prosecuted; divorce, contraceptives, dancing and all-male inheritances were
abolished. Since then, no Vietnamese woman has even dared attempt the
political feats of Madame Nhu for fear of absorbing her stigma.
Urban Vietnamese women are considered breath-takingly beautiful, with
a rippling comma in each lotus-colored omulere cheek and long flowing back
ebony hair which rhythmically sways with the graceful fluidity of a willow
in the wind. The tiny-boned, small-waisted women caused one Western
diplomat, who has traveled around the globe, to exclaim, "If one had
to imagine the most beautiful of all women-goddesses, you would come up
with the Vietnamese. They are not women; they are works of art."
The
national costume, called the ao dai, is a long-sleeved, mandarin-collared
dress hugging the body from the neck to the waist and then breaking wispily
into two flowing panels which seductively flit over "elephant-footed" satin
pantaloons.
Yet, many Vietnamese si schoolgirls and bar-girls have forsaken
the ao dai for Western clothes; in the countryside, the pajama-like
ba-bas are still worn almost exclusively. In Confucianistic times, it was
considered "contemptible" for an Vietnamese women to appear with a bulging
chestline; special straps were worn to maintain a flat-chested appearance.
Today, the modern girls relish the heavily padded versions which American GI's
call "Hong Kongs" because they are not indigenous to Vietnam.
The newest
beauty status symbol is plastic surgery on the breasts, the unslitting of
Mrs. Ky had an
the almond-like eyes and the "straightening" of the nose.
eye and nose operation of this kind in Japan before her marriage.._
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 8
While Vietnamese urban wives can buy a sm simple dress without their
husbands consent, the style of the clothes is often a matter of intense debate
In Saigon, the wife of a middle-class accountant--and the mother of three
children--began to work as a cashier in a neighborhood bar as a means to
combat inflation. One day her husband returned to find his wife wearing
pedal-pushers and a beehive hair-do, which the
Birmingham Palace Guard upsweep."
Vietnamese call "the
"What do you think you're doing," the husband ranted. "You belong to a
traditional family--but you look like a whore."
The wife retorted, "I have to wear this to look presentable for my job.
What do you care-the kids are better dressed and I make more money than you do."
She won the debate.
The jet set or more accurately, Dakota set-contains a number of
prominent women doctors, dentists, phi pharmacists in Saigon; one ig
woman is principal of a leading girls' school; another is director of a bank;
several are managing directors of radio battery and textile plants;
two
so-called "dragon ladies" control most of the construction in the
northern provinces where American Marines are based.
(More)
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Deepe
Women--page 9
Vietnamese
Life in the small bracket of educated elite at the top of the
social pyramid is cocooned in elegance and luxury. Many of these families
own barn-like villas in the old "French Quarter" of Saigon. They are at least
a one-car family (chauffeured), and often a two-car family, usually owning
either a black Mercedes or a flashy American car. Their sons and daughters
attend the elite French schools and become "awkward Frenchmen," speaking
better French than Vietnamese. Many of the sons are whisked out of the
country before they become eligible for military draft.
Their homes are
In this
decorated with such modern luxuries as air-conditioning in the bedrooms,
stereo tape recorders in the living room; in addition, they possess a bevy
of the most ancient come conveniences in the Orient--servants--who are a
combined baby-sitter, automatic dishwasher, cook and laundromat.
urban elite, the families in which the husband and wife are older than 40
are dim carbon-copies of the French cultural tradition--"they are just
chocolate Frenchmen, being more French than the French,"
one Western observed.
A seven-course candlelight dinner of French cuising capped by champagne,
for as many as 20 persons is not uncommon. All are discreetly anti-American
in their political views and cultural prejudices.
thisWesternized elite-younger than
The younger elements in
30
are m often more Americanized than
Frenchified.
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 10
there has been a big difference,
"Since the French Indo-China War,
even between my grandmother and myself
educated Saigon housewife explained. "My grandmother was stricter;
one within aristocratic, American-
she had-
three girls and wanted them to marry young. When my mother married my
father, I was the only child. She wasn't happy in her marriage because it was
an arranged one. My mother wanted me to be different and to have a higher
education which she couldn't have. She wanted me to go to American or France
to study and I did.
She didn't
Though she was
"She allowed me to be free, except for one thing--love.
want me to marry young, being afraid I would be unhappy.
liberal, she didn't let me have any boy friends.
She did allow male tutors
If I
to come to teach me English, Chinese characters and how to play the mandoline.
But, she always watched what I did in the big mirror in the hallway.
She always told me boys weren't nice and would take advantage of me.
One boy
went to the movie or market, there was always someone trailing me.
wanted to marry me--he's now a general-but my mother wouldn't allow it.
She spoiled me and then put
'He's just a weak, noodle type,' she told me.
YU fences around me. She tried so hard to make me someone-not simply a woman-
but someone.
"I wanted to be beautiful; though we had money, my mother didn't want me
to waste it. The day I left for study in Fre France, I had only seven
Vietnamese dresses and ten suits. My mother said it was enough.
it's not enough; someday I'll have 100 best beautiful dresses'.
(More)
I said
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Deepe
Women-page 11
"I suppose she succeeded. I married for love; my husband is kind
and well-off; we have four lovely children--and yes, I have the 100 beautiful
dresses my mother wouldn't let me have twenty years ago."
the
On the political situation, she explained, "Now, all Vietnamese
know that our national destiny depends on international events;
question of war or peace--and whether Vietnam is free or Communist--will be
decided by others. But, if we Vietnamese can not decide peace-we can decide
order within the society. Still, the problems are too big for us, a small
nationa with an old culture--we can not be changed overnight, even by the
big policy-makers of the world. No one yet knows what we will be changed into."
At the other end of the urban spectrum, the plight of the low-class
working woman--now far more important numeric numerically-has improved
considerably has in the economic field because of boomtime war spending and
men
in the social field because of the courteous way in which American mean
treat women of all classes. This narrowing of the gap between the high and
low-class Vietnamese is exemplified by one elderly maid, who began to work
for the Americans in 1964. Today, she owns a small house in the Mekong Delta
and rents two rooms to American enlisted me, thus achieving lower middle class
status. In one middle-class apartment area in Saigon, Vietnamese wives are
entranced as they watch the way an American private treats his Vietnamese wife;
the car doors for her, allows her to enter the taxi before him,
and carries their small baby instead of having his wife do it.
he opens
(More)
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Deep e
Women-page 12
Because of the vast employment opportunities, three Vietnamese maids
who had worked years for one of the wealthiest Saigon families resigned
en masse when they could no longer bear the tantrums of the owner's wife.
"We now have to speak softly to the maids," one Saigon matron conceded.
One maix housemaid, named Sau (No. 6), a peasant girl from the Viet
Cong-infested portion of the Mekong Delta) explained that her mother had
promised to marry her to a local Viet Cong guerrilla.
"Do you love him?" she was asked.
"I don't know," she replied. "My mother says he's a good boy in the
village; he came once in awhile with a pistol to see my mother.
But, she says I'm too young and he's too busy for us to get married.
only engaged."
We are
Despite her parents' disapproval,
the young woman left her home
village because of extensive fighting in the area and came to Saigon.
"A
"We can't have security in the countryside," she explained.
sergeant can marry me by force. The soldiers can rape me. I can be put in
jail if I'm caught in a trench during an operation. Virginity is important-
CAME
but how can one preserve it? So, I just took a chance and come to Saigon
to find work and see the city." She tried unsuccessfully to find work
with the Americans.
Asked how she could work for the Americans when she was
engaged to a Viet Cong guerrilla, she replied:
"Oh, I don't care if he likes it or not. I saw the Americans treat
the other maids well; they joke with them and sometimes take them to the
movies or give them candy for their children."
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 13
Another 17-year-old maid from the Communist-infested province of
Quang Ngai defiantly recited Viet Cong poems around the house of the
middle class family she worked for in Saigon.
"The Viet Cong say the Americans are evil;" the former fish-peddlar
said. "The Viet Cong say the Americans eat people--that they open up
the abdomens and take out the people's liver and eat it. But, that's
not true. The Americans eat only canned food. I see alot of empty cans
at the rubbish heap."
She was asked if she liked the Americans.
she replied. "But, I would never
"I don't hate the Americans,"
marry one--if I went back to Quang Ngail the people would criticize me and
say I was a prostitute. But, the Americans treat their maids better
than the Vietnamese in Saigon treat theirs-that's really democracy."
The Vietnamese word for democracy is "Dan Chuy, which means literally,
"People is the boss." The Saigon government describes its superior
relationship to the people in the phrase Phu Mau Chi Dan-"the government is
the parents of the people."
A violent tornado of female social mobility was unleashed for the
bar girls, hostesses and prostitutes, the so-called "Sin-Dolls" and
"Night-Faces" which blossomed around each American cantonment.
While
the social plight created a political furor within Vietnam-one exploited
by the Communists--the economic ladder enabled illiterate women to become
supporters of their families and strutting exponents of Americanization.
One Vietnamese mother of three, abandoned by her Chinese husband,
began working as a bar-girl in 1963 the American advisory effort
mushroomed; today she owns the bar.
WHEN
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 14
"This is much better than the old tradition of being a cook for a
m if I married now,
husband that beats you," she explained. "And
my husband wouldn't let me work in the bar.
Since I've been married,
I've already lost my virginity. Now, as a bar owner, no one looks down
on me; I own a car, house and stereo set. My children are well-fed and attend
the best private French steel school in town. Everyone treats me like a
princess."
Leaving any major urban center, the sociological landscape, only
minutes from the city 1 limits, jumps backwards into a static
time frame several centuries old. Between the cities and the countryside,
there is no suburban bridge. Only five miles from Saigon, in the village
of An Phu (pop. 2161), the family of Nguyen Tung Dung lives in a house
made of thatch roof, palm-leaf siding and hard-packed mud floors-a
replica of the houses of their forefathers for a thousand years.
family belongs to the lowest of the three classes in any Vietnamese village-
farm laborers and tenants-which form the vast majority of Vietnam's
predominantly rural population; many American officials suspect this
class on the whole serves the Viet Cong Communists.
The
The house of the Dung family is one of ascetically simple furnishings,
the most conspicuous kak feature being a trench, under the large wooden
It looks like a
family bed, surrounded by a thick-three-foot mud dike.
miniature, do-it-yourself fort.
This trench may have saved the life of Mr.
Dung several months ago on the day his son was killed only thirty meters from
daur front door.
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 15
"My wife got up early that morning to go to the rice field at 6 a.m.,"
twisting his long wispy white beard and tucking his barefeet
Mr. Dung explained,
under the Bab bamboo stool!" "I got up to fix breakfast for the
children and grandchildren.
bed.
Then the firing started and we all got under the
One bullet came into the house, sped through the curtain and hit the
mud dike and a piece of dirt flew into my soup.
"Then, I was afraid that the American planes would come and bomb the
Viet Cong and would set the whole village on fire.
So, I took the children
Then one of the villagers
and grandchildren to the mainstreet of the village.
told me the news: my son was dead, when a Viet Cong company wiped out the
platoon of government militamen (14 men). When I went to find my son, he
was only thirty meters from our home. Half of his body was on the high ground
and the other half was in the mud, "
The old father concluded stoically, but simply, "It is tragic to see
the dead."
The war had hurt the family in other wasy ways. In 1963, under the
old strategic hamlet program, he had been ordered to move his home along the
main highway artery; in this new village he had become a farm laborer, rather
than a tenant. The lack of security affected his work.
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 16
"We used to work in the rice paddies from dawn to dark," he said
quietly, serving his guests more tea. "Now we work fifty per cent of the
time. If we see a plane circle twice above us, we leave the land because we are
afraid of being bombed. When we weren't working on the paddy land, we could
go to the river to catch fish. But, even 700 meters from here, the Viet Cong
control the canals and river. The inflation has hurt us too. If we
have 100 piastres (roughly US$1), we buy more food; if we have 80
piastres, we buy less food. When we are waiting for ther rice crop to be
harvested, we eat only two meals a day. We never save any money; everything
is from day to day. Now, maybe my second son, who is 18, will also be
drafted to serve the government and can't help us with the work. God has
put these young men in this age bracket. What can we do? It's up to God
to decide their fate."
Philosophically, he summarized the plight of his family.
"We are all caught between two crossfire--the government and the
Viet Cong. We, the citizens of the land, have no protection for the people
with power." Or, as another elderly farmer explained more incisively, "Both
sides are vermin."
(More)
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Deepe
Women-page 17
On the non-Communist side, the old Confucianistic-based social
structure is rapidly disintegrating without any orderly pattern for the
pieces to drop into. Despite official statements by the American and
Vietnamese government announcing a new social revolution, the Vietnamese
population sees only the disintegration and equate it with social anarchy.
The reaction of individual families is based on uncertainty and insecurity
over the future; sometimes belief rests on the traditional fatalism
that one's destiny will be decided by the movement of the stars. During the
series of political crises in 1964-65, one anti-Communist housewife,
wrenched her hands and shrieked, "Oh, my god! my god! Why was I born
Vietnamese?"
But, a lower-cell class bar-girl simply shrugged matter-of-f
factly, "Life is a lotus floating down the river."
In North Vietnam, the Communist regime, in a swift-stroked
revolution 12 years ago, crushed the Confucianistic aspects of Vietnamese
society and then immediately replaced this regimented social order with
a totally new, but even more tightly regimented order of the
their own--an order veering towards collectivization.
(More)
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Deepe
Women--page 27
One 26 year-old North Vietnamese prisoner explained live in
the rural Communist state. From the tide a baby is four months old,
he said, the Communist regime in the North begins to rear its young
and continues to mold the individual's life until death. The dica-
torial decisions, once made by the father in the Cofucianistic so-
ciety, are now made by the Communist state and it's party apparatus,
including the most personal details of love, sex, marriage and the
family's worship ancestors. The first four months after birth the
mother feeds the new baby; then the government places it in a state
operated nursery and the mother returns to work. As a teenager,
the child's social values are established by the Red Kerchief orga-
nisation, instead of the family; the cream of the crop then move
into the Lao Dong (Communist) Youth League, and then later the
Communist Party. The party then becomes the center of life, sur-
passing even family relationships. If, for example, a daughter
and her father sit together at a meeting of the government, or of
the party, or of government-run associations, they address each
other as "dong chi"--" comrade"--instead of using individual names.
The Communist Party member approves marriage plans; each
individual , arriage request is studied. Those who marry in spite
of the disapproval of the Party members are indirectly punished,
through economic discrimination in rations or government housing.
The wedding ceremony, now drastically simplified, still includes,
"collective celebrations with songs," but there is not enough food
for feasts. There are no church marriages.
(More)
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Deepe
Women--page 28
The imponderable non-military question now confronting S
South Vietnam is this: will be the regimented Communist social,
revolution weering towards collectivisation prevail; or will
the social upheaval on the non-Communist side--now orbitting
in mid-air--fall into a more orderly, yet modern and just social
This question will not be dicided by tough-willed
generals or ministers, who now presume to guide Vietnam in its
so-called "nation-building" process. It will be decided within
the context of each Vietnamede family by those China-doll Cin-
derellas, who are made of steel and grief-tears.
framework.
-30-

Date

1966, Nov. 10

Subject

Vietnam War, 1961-1975; New York times; Women; Civilians in war

Location

Saigon, South Vietnam

Coordinates

10.8231; 106.6297

Size

20 x 26 cm

Container

B188, F1

Format

dispatches

Collection Number

MS 363

Collection Title

Beverly Deepe Keever, Journalism Papers

Creator

Keever, Beverly Deepe

Collector

Keever, Beverly Deepe

Copyright Information

These images are for educational use only. To inquire about usage or publication, please contact Archives & Special Collections.

Publisher

Archives & Special Collections

Language

English